to what group of people did populism primarily appeal

Left-wing populist political political party

Political political party in United States

People's Party Populist Party
Leader	James B. Weaver Thomas Eastward. Watson
Founded	1892; 130 years ago  (1892)
Dissolved	1909; 113 years agone  (1909)
Merger of	Farmers' Alliance Greenback Party
Preceded past	Farmers' Alliance Greenback Party Matrimony Labor Party
Succeeded by	Democratic Party
Ideology	Agrarianism Bimetallism Cooperativism[1] Populism Progressivism
Political position	Left-wing
Politics of United states of america Political parties Elections

The People's Party, also known as the Populist Party or simply the Populists, was a left-wing^[2] agrarian populist^[3] tardily-19th-century political party in the United States. The Populist Party emerged in the early 1890s every bit an important force in the Southern and Western United States, merely collapsed subsequently it nominated Democrat William Jennings Bryan in the 1896 United States presidential election. A rump faction of the political party continued to operate into the showtime decade of the 20th century, just never matched the popularity of the party in the early 1890s.

The Populist Party'southward roots lay in the Farmers' Alliance, an agrarian movement that promoted economic action during the Gilt Historic period, every bit well as the Greenback Political party, an earlier tertiary political party that had advocated fiat money. The success of Farmers' Alliance candidates in the 1890 elections, along with the conservatism of both major parties, encouraged Farmers' Alliance leaders to institute a total-fledged third party earlier the 1892 elections. The Ocala Demands laid out the Populist platform: collective bargaining, federal regulation of railroad rates, an expansionary monetary policy, and a Sub-Treasury Plan that required the establishment of federally controlled warehouses to aid farmers. Other Populist-endorsed measures included bimetallism, a graduated income taxation, straight election of Senators, a shorter workweek, and the establishment of a postal savings system. These measures were collectively designed to curb the influence of monopolistic corporate and financial interests and empower small businesses, farmers and laborers.

In the 1892 presidential election, the Populist ticket of James B. Weaver and James G. Field won 8.5% of the popular vote and carried four Western states, becoming the offset third party since the finish of the American Civil War to win electoral votes. Despite the support of labor organizers similar Eugene V. Debs and Terence 5. Powderly, the political party largely failed to win the vote of urban laborers in the Midwest and the Northeast. Over the next four years, the political party continued to run state and federal candidates, building up powerful organizations in several Southern and Western states. Before the 1896 presidential election, the Populists became increasingly polarized between "fusionists," who wanted to nominate a joint presidential ticket with the Autonomous Party, and "mid-roaders," like Mary Elizabeth Charter, who favored the continuation of the Populists as an contained third political party. After the 1896 Autonomous National Convention nominated William Jennings Bryan, a prominent bimetallist, the Populists besides nominated Bryan but rejected the Democratic vice-presidential nominee in favor of party leader Thomas E. Watson. In the 1896 election, Bryan swept the South and West but lost to Republican William McKinley by a decisive margin.

Afterwards the 1896 presidential ballot, the Populist Party suffered a nationwide collapse. The party nominated presidential candidates in the three presidential elections later on 1896, but none came close to matching Weaver's functioning in 1892. Former Populists became inactive or joined other parties. Other than Debs and Bryan, few politicians associated with the Populists retained national prominence.

Historians run across the Populists equally a reaction to the ability of corporate interests in the Gilded Age, simply they debate the degree to which the Populists were anti-modern and nativist. Scholars also go along to debate the magnitude of influence the Populists exerted on later organizations and movements, such as the progressives of the early 20th century. Almost of the Progressives, such as Theodore Roosevelt, Robert La Follette, and Woodrow Wilson, were bitter enemies of the Populists. In American political rhetoric, "populist" was originally associated with the Populist Party and related left-wing movements, only showtime in the 1950s it began to take on a more than generic significant, describing any anti-establishment movement regardless of its position on the left–right political spectrum.

Origins [edit]

3rd party antecedents [edit]

Ideologically, the Populist Political party originated in the fence over monetary policy in the aftermath of the American Civil War. In guild to fund that state of war, the U.S. authorities had left the gold standard past issuing fiat paper currency known as Greenbacks. After the war, the Eastern financial establishment strongly favored a return to the aureate standard for both ideological reasons (they believed that money must be backed by gilded which, they argued, had intrinsic value) and economical gain (a return to the gold standard would make their regime bonds more valuable).^[iv] Successive presidential administrations favored "hard coin" policies that retired the cash, thereby shrinking the corporeality of currency in apportionment.^[5] Financial interests also won passage of the Coinage Act of 1873, which barred the coinage of argent, thereby ending a policy of bimetallism.^[six] The deflation caused past these policies afflicted farmers especially strongly, since deflation made it more difficult to pay debts and led to lower prices for agronomical products.^[vii]

Angered by these developments, some farmers and other groups began calling for the government to permanently adopt fiat currency. These advocates of "soft coin" were influenced past economist Edward Kellogg and Alexander Campbell, both of whom advocated for fiat money issued past a central bank.^[viii] Despite fierce partisan rivalries, the two major parties were both closely allied with business interests and supported largely similar economic policies, including the golden standard.^[ix] The Autonomous Political party's 1868 platform endorsed the continued use of greenbacks, but the party embraced hard money policies afterward the 1868 election.^[10]

Though soft money forces were able to win some support in the West, launching a third party proved difficult in the rest of the country. The U.s.a. was deeply polarized past the sectional politics of the post-Civil War era; most Northerners remained firmly attached to the Republican Party, while most Southerners identified with the Democratic Party.^[11] In the 1870s advocates of soft coin formed the Greenback Political party, which called for the continued use of paper coin besides as the restoration of bimetallism.^[10] Greenback nominee James B. Weaver won over three percent of the vote in the 1880 presidential election, but the Greenback Party was unable to build a durable base of back up, and information technology collapsed in the 1880s.^[xi] Many former Greenback Political party supporters joined the Marriage Labor Party, only it also failed to win widespread support.^{[ citation needed ]}

Farmer'southward Alliance [edit]

A grouping of farmers formed the Farmers' Alliance in Lampasas, Texas in 1877, and the organization chop-chop spread to surrounding counties. The Farmers' Alliance promoted collective economical action by farmers in order to cope with the crop-lien system, which left economic power in the hands of a mercantile elite that furnished goods on credit.^[12] The move became increasingly popular throughout Texas in the mid-1880s, and membership in the organization grew from x,000 in 1884 to 50,000 at the end of 1885. At the same time, the Farmer's Alliance became increasingly politicized, with members attacking the "money trust" equally the source and beneficiary of both the crop lien system and deflation.^[13] In the hopes of cementing an brotherhood with labor groups, the Farmer's Alliance supported the Knights of Labor in the Great Southwest railroad strike of 1886.^[14] That aforementioned yr, a Farmer's Alliance convention issued the Cleburne Demands, a series of resolutions that called for, among other things, commonage bargaining, federal regulation of railroad rates, an expansionary monetary policy, and a national banking system administered by the federal government.^[fifteen]

President Grover Cleveland's veto of a Texas seed bill in early 1887 outraged many farmers, encouraging the growth of a northern Farmer'due south Brotherhood in states like Kansas and Nebraska.^[16] That same year, a prolonged drought began in the Westward, contributing to the defalcation of many farmers.^[17] In 1887, the Farmer'southward Alliance merged with the Louisiana Farmers Union and expanded into the South and the Nifty Plains.^[18] In 1889, Charles Macune launched the National Economist, which became the national paper of the Farmer'southward Alliance.^[19]

Macune and other Farmer's Alliance leaders helped organize a Dec 1889 convention in St. Louis; the convention met with the goal of forming a confederation of the major subcontract and labor organizations.^[20] Though a total merger was non achieved, the Farmer's Alliance and the Knights of Labor jointly endorsed the St. Louis Platform, which included many of the long-standing demands of the Farmer'due south Alliance. The Platform added a telephone call for Macune's "Sub-Treasury Plan," nether which the federal government would establish warehouses in agricultural counties; farmers would be allowed to store their crops in these warehouses and borrow up to fourscore percent of the value of their crops.^[21] The movement began to expand into the Northeast and the Keen Lakes region, while Macune led the establishment of the National Reform Printing Clan, a network of newspapers sympathetic to the Farmer's Alliance.^[22]

Formation [edit]

The Farmer's Alliance had initially sought to work within the two-party arrangement, only by 1891 many political party leaders had become convinced of the demand for a tertiary party that could challenge the conservatism of both major parties.^[23] In the 1890 elections, Farmer'southward Alliance-backed candidates won dozens of races for the U.South. House of Representatives and gained majorities in several state legislatures.^[24] Many of these individuals were elected in coalition with Democrats; in Nebraska, the Farmer's Alliance forged an alliance with newly elected Congressman William Jennings Bryan, while in Tennessee, local Farmer'south Brotherhood leader John P. Buchanan was elected governor on the Democratic ticket.^[25] As about leading Democrats refused to endorse the Sub-Treasury, many leaders of the Farmer's Alliance remained dissatisfied with both major parties.^[26]

In December 1890, a Farmer'southward Alliance convention re-stated the organization's platform with the Ocala Demands; Farmer's Alliance leaders as well agreed to hold another convention in early 1892 to discuss the possibility of establishing a third party if Democrats failed to adopt their policy goals.^[27] Among those who favored the establishment of a tertiary political party were Farmer's Alliance president Leonidas Fifty. Polk, Georgia newspaper editor Thomas E. Watson, and former Congressman Ignatius L. Donnelly of Minnesota.^[28]

1892 People's Party campaign poster promoting James Weaver for President of the U.s.a.

The February 1892 Farmer's Alliance convention was attended past supporters of Edward Bellamy and Henry George,^[29] as well as current and former members of the Greenback Party, Prohibition Party, Anti-Monopoly Political party, Labor Reform Party, Union Labor Political party, United Labor Party, Workingmen Party, and dozens of other pocket-size parties. Delivering the final speech of the convention, Ignatius L. Donnelly, stated, "We run into in the midst of a nation brought to the verge of moral, political, and cloth ruin. ... We seek to restore the regime of the republic to the hands of the 'obviously people' with whom it originated. Our doors are open up to all points of the compass. ... The interests of rural and urban labor are the same; their enemies are identical."^[thirty] Following Donnelly'southward voice communication, delegates agreed to establish the People's Party and hold a presidential nominating convention on July 4 in Omaha, Nebraska.^[31] Journalists covering the fledgling party began referring to it as the "Populist Party," and that term speedily became widely popular.^[two]

1892 election [edit]

1892 balloter vote results

The initial forepart-runner for the Populist Party's presidential nomination was Leonidas Polk, who had served equally the chairman of the convention in St. Louis, merely he died of an illness weeks before the Populist convention.^[32] The party instead turned to former Union Full general and 1880 Greenback presidential nominee James B. Weaver of Iowa, nominating him on a ticket with one-time Confederate army officer James G. Field of Virginia.^[33] The convention agreed to a party platform known as the Omaha Platform, which proposed the implementation of the Sub-Treasury and other longtime Farmer's Alliance goals.^[34] The platform also called for a graduated income tax, straight election of Senators, a shorter workweek, restrictions on immigration to the The states, and public ownership of railroads and advice lines.^[35]

The Populists appealed most strongly to voters in the South, the Great Plains, and the Rocky Mountains.^[36] In the Rocky Mountains, Populist voters were motivated by back up for free silver (bimetallism), opposition to the ability of railroads, and clashes with big landowners over water rights.^[37] In the South and the Great Plains, Populists had a broad entreatment among farmers, just relatively little back up in cities and towns. Businessmen and, to a lesser extent, skilled craftsmen were appalled by the perceived radicalism of Populist proposals. Fifty-fifty in rural areas, many voters resisted casting aside their long-standing partisan allegiances.^[38] Turner concludes that Populism appealed most strongly to economically distressed farmers who were isolated from urban centers.^[39] Linda Slaughter, a prominent women'south rights advocate from the Dakota Territory, besides participated in the convention, making her the first American woman to vote for a presidential candidate at a national convention.^[40]

One of the Populist Party'southward key goals was to create a coalition between farmers in the South and West and urban laborers in the Midwest and Northeast. In the latter regions, the Populists received the support of wedlock officials similar Knights of Labor leader Terrence Powderly and railroad organizer Eugene 5. Debs, every bit well every bit author Edward Bellamy'southward Nationalist Clubs. Only the Populists lacked compelling campaign planks that appealed specifically to urban laborers, and were largely unable to mobilize support in urban areas. Corporate leaders had largely been successful in preventing labor from organizing politically and economically, and spousal relationship membership did not rival that of the Farmer's Alliance. Some unions, including the fledgling American Federation of Labor, refused to endorse any political party.^[41] Populists were also largely unable to win the back up of farmers in the Northeast and the more than developed parts of the Midwest.^[42]

In the 1892 presidential ballot, Autonomous nominee Grover Cleveland, a stiff supporter of the golden standard, defeated incumbent Republican President Benjamin Harrison.^[43] Weaver won over ane million votes, carried Colorado, Kansas, Idaho, and Nevada, and received balloter votes from Oregon and North Dakota. He was the first third-party candidate since the Ceremonious War to win balloter votes,^[44] while Field was first Southern candidate to win electoral votes since the 1872 ballot.^{[ citation needed ]} The Populists performed strongly in the W, but many political party leaders were disappointed by the results in parts of the S and the unabridged Nifty Lakes Region.^[45] Weaver failed to win more 5% of the vote in any state eastward of the Mississippi River and north of the Mason–Dixon line.^[46]

Between presidential elections, 1893–1895 [edit]

Shortly later Cleveland took office, the country fell into a deep recession known as the Panic of 1893. In response, Cleveland and his Democratic allies repealed the Sherman Silver Purchase Human action and passed the Wilson–Gorman Tariff Deed, which provided for a minor reduction in tariff rates.^[46] The Populists denounced the Cleveland administration'southward continued adherence to the gold standard, and they angrily attacked the administration's conclusion to purchase gold from a syndicate led by J. P. Morgan. Millions roughshod into unemployment and poverty, and groups like Coxey's Army organized protest marches in Washington, D.C.^[47] Party membership grew in several states; historian Lawrence Goodwyn estimates that in the mid-1890s the party had "a following of anywhere from 25 to 45 percent of the electorate in xx-odd states."^[48] Partly due to the growing popularity of the Populist movement, the Democratic Congress included a provision to re-implement a federal income tax in the 1894 Wilson–Gorman Tariff Act.^{[49] [a]}

The Populists faced challenges from both the established major parties and the "Silverites," who generally disregarded the Omaha Platform in favor of bimetallism. These Silverites, who formed groups similar the Silver Party and the Silvery Republican Political party, became particularly strong in Western mining states similar Nevada and Colorado.^[50] In Colorado, Populists elected Davis Hanson Waite as governor, only the political party divided over the Waite'southward refusal to interruption the Cripple Creek miners' strike of 1894.^[51] Silverites were also stiff in Nebraska, where Autonomous Congressman William Jennings Bryan continued to enjoy the back up of many Nebraska Populists. A coalition of Democrats and Populists elected Populist William V. Allen to the Senate.^[50]

The 1894 elections were a massive defeat for the Democratic Political party throughout the country, and a mixed effect for the Populists. Populists performed poorly in the West and Midwest, where Republicans dominated, but won elections in Alabama and other states. In the backwash, some political party leaders, particularly those outside the Southward, became convinced of the need to fuse with Democrats and adopt bimetallism as the party's key issue. Political party chairman Herman Taubeneck declared that the party should abandon the Omaha Platform and "unite the reform forces of the nation" behind bimetallism.^[52] Meanwhile, leading Democrats increasingly distanced themselves from Cleveland's gold standard policies in the backwash of their performance in the 1894 elections.^[53]

The Populists became increasingly polarized between moderate "fusionists" like Taubeneck and radical "mid-roaders" (named for their want to take a middle route betwixt Democrats and Republicans) like Tom Watson.^[54] Fusionists believed the perceived radicalism of the Omaha Platform limited the party's appeal, whereas a platform based on gratuitous silver would resonate with a wide array of groups.^[55] The mid-roaders believed that gratuitous silvery did not represent serious economic reform, and continued to call for government buying of railroads, major changes to the fiscal arrangement, and resistance to the influence of large corporations.^[56] I Texas Populist wrote that costless silver would "get out undisturbed all the atmospheric condition which requite rise to the undue concentration of wealth. The so-called silverish party may prove a veritable Trojan Horse if nosotros are not careful."^[57] In an attempt to become the party to repudiate the Omaha Platform in favor of free silver, Taubeneck chosen a party convention in Dec 1894. Rather than repudiating the Omaha Platform, the convention expanded it to include a phone call for the municipal buying of public utilities.^[58]

Populist-Republican fusion in N Carolina [edit]

In 1894–1896 the Populist wave of agrarian unrest swept through the cotton and tobacco regions of the South.^[59] The virtually dramatic impact was in North Carolina, where the poor white farmers who comprised the Populist party formed a working coalition with the Republican Party, then largely controlled by blacks in the low state, and poor whites in the mountain districts. They took control of the state legislature in both 1894 and 1896, and the governorship in 1896. Restrictive rules on voting were repealed. In 1895 the legislature rewarded its black allies with patronage, naming 300 black magistrates in eastern districts, as well equally deputy sheriffs and city policemen. They also received some federal patronage from the coalition congressman, and state patronage from the governor.^[60]

Women and African Americans [edit]

Due to the prevailing racist attitudes of the belatedly 19th century, any political alliance of Southern blacks and Southern whites was difficult to construct, merely shared economic concerns allowed some transracial coalition edifice.^[61] After 1886, black farmers started organizing local agricultural groups along the lines the Farmer's Brotherhood advocated, and in 1888 the national Colored Alliance was established.^[62] Some southern Populists, including Watson, openly spoke of the need for poor blacks and poor whites to set aside their racial differences in the name of shared economic interests. The Populists followed the Prohibition Party in actively including women in their diplomacy. Only regardless of these appeals, racism did non evade the People'south Party. Prominent Populist Political party leaders such every bit Marion Butler at least partially demonstrated a dedication to the cause of white supremacy, and there appears to take been some support for this viewpoint in the party'southward rank-and-file membership.^[63] Later on 1900 Watson himself became an outspoken white supremacist.

Conspiratorial tendencies [edit]

Historians proceed to fence the degree to which the Populists were bigoted confronting foreigners and Jews.^[64] Members of the anti-Catholic American Protective Clan were influential in California's Populist Party system, and some Populists embraced the anti-Semitic conspiracy theory that the Rothschild family sought to command the Usa.^[65] Historian Hasia Diner says:

Some Populists believed that Jews fabricated up a class of international financiers whose policies had ruined small family farms, they asserted, owned the banks and promoted the gold standard, the main sources of their impoverishment. Agrarian radicalism posited the metropolis as antithetical to American values, asserting that Jews were the essence of urban corruption.^[66]

Presidential election of 1896 [edit]

In 1896, the 36-year-old William Jennings Bryan was the called candidate resulting from the fusion of the Democrats and the People's Party.

In the lead-upwardly to the 1896 presidential ballot, mid-roaders, fusionists, and free silverish Democrats all maneuvered to put their favored candidates in the all-time position to win. Mid-roaders sought to ensure that the Populists would hold their national convention earlier that of the Democratic Party, thereby ensuring that they could non exist accused of dividing "reform" forces.^[67] Defying those hopes, Taubeneck arranged for the 1896 Populist National Convention to have place one calendar week afterward the 1896 Democratic National Convention.^[67] Mid-roaders mobilized to defeat the fusionists; the Southern Mercury urged readers to nominate convention delegates who would "back up the Omaha Platform in its entirety."^[68] Equally virtually of the party's high-ranking officeholders were fusionists, the mid-roaders faced difficulty in uniting around a candidate.^[69]

The 1896 Republican National Convention nominated William McKinley, a long-time Republican leader who was all-time known for leading the passage of 1890 McKinley Tariff. McKinley initially sought to downplay the gold standard in favor of campaigning on higher tariff rates, just he agreed to fully endorse the gold standard at the insistence of Republican donors and party leaders.^[70] Coming together later in the year, the 1896 Autonomous National Convention nominated William Jennings Bryan for president after Bryan'due south Cross of Gold speech galvanized the party behind costless silver. For vice president, the party nominated conservative shipping magnate Arthur Sewall.^[71]

When the Populist convention met, fusionists proposed that the Populists nominate the Autonomous ticket, while mid-roaders organized to defeat fusionist efforts. Every bit Sewall was objectionable to many inside the party, the mid-roaders successfully moved a motility to nominate the vice president commencement. Despite a telegram from Bryan indicating that he would not accept the Populist nomination if the party did non also nominate Sewall, the convention chose Tom Watson as the political party's vice presidential nominee. The convention also reaffirmed the major planks of the 1892 platform and added support for initiatives and referendums.^[72] When the convention'due south presidential election began, it was all the same unclear whether Bryan would be nominated for president and whether Bryan would accept the nomination if offered. Mid-roaders put frontward their own candidate, obscure paper editor S. F. Norton, but Norton was unable to win the support of many delegates. Afterwards a long and contentious series of roll call votes, Bryan won the Populist presidential nomination, taking 1042 votes to Norton'due south 321 votes.^[73]

Despite his before declaration, Bryan accustomed the Populist nomination.^[74] Facing a massive financial and organizational disadvantage,^[75] Bryan embarked on a entrada that took him across the country. He largely ignored major cities and the Northeast, instead focusing on the Midwest, which he hoped to win in conjunction with the Peachy Plains, the Far Due west, and the South.^[76] Watson, ostensibly Bryan's running mate, campaigned on a platform of "Straight Populism" and oft attacked Sewall as an amanuensis for "the banks and railroads." He delivered several speeches in Texas and the Midwest before returning to his home in Georgia for the remainder of the ballot.^[74]

Ultimately, McKinley won a decisive majority of the electoral vote and became the get-go presidential candidate to win a majority of the popular vote since the 1876 presidential election.^[76] Bryan swept the quondam Populist strongholds in the West and South, and added the silverite states in the West, but did poorly in the industrial heartland. His strength was largely based on the traditional Democratic vote, but he lost many German Catholics and members of the centre course. Historians believe his defeat was partly attributable to the tactics Bryan used; he had aggressively "run" for president, while traditional candidates would use "forepart porch campaigns."^{[77] [ page needed ]} The united opposition of nearly all business concern leaders and nigh religious leaders as well hurt his candidacy, as did his poor showing among Cosmic groups who were alienated by Bryan'south emphasis on Protestant moral values.^[76]

Plummet [edit]

People'due south Party entrada poster from 1904 touting the candidacy of Thomas East. Watson

The Populist movement never recovered from the failure of 1896, and national fusion with the Democrats proved disastrous to the party. In the Midwest, the Populist Party essentially merged into the Autonomous Party before the finish of the 1890s.^[78] In the South, the National alliance with the Democrats sapped the Populists' ability to remain independent. Tennessee's Populist Party was demoralized by a diminishing membership, and puzzled and dissever past the dilemma of whether to fight the country-level enemy (the Democrats) or the national foe (the Republicans and Wall Street). By 1900 the People's Party of Tennessee was a shadow of what information technology once was.^{[79] [ page needed ]} A similar blueprint repeated throughout the Due south, where the Populist Party had previously sought alliances with the Republican Party against the ascendant state Democrats, including in Watson's Georgia.

In North Carolina, the land Democratic Party orchestrated a propaganda campaign in newspapers across the land, and created a brutal and vehement white supremacy election entrada to defeat the North Carolina Populists and GOP, the Fusionist revolt in North Carolina collapsed in 1898, and white Democrats returned to power. The gravity of the crisis was underscored by a major race riot in Wilmington in 1898, two days later the election. Knowing they had but retaken control of the state legislature, the Democrats were confident they could not be overcome. They attacked and overcame the Fusionists; mobs roamed the black neighborhoods, shooting, killing, burning buildings, and making a special target of the black newspaper.^[fourscore] At that place were no farther insurgencies in any Southern states involving a successful blackness coalition at the state level. By 1900, the gains of the populist-Republican coalition were reversed, and the Democrats ushered in disfranchisement:^[81] practically all blacks lost their vote, and the Populist-Republican alliance fell apart.

In 1900, many Populist voters supported Bryan again (though Marion Butler's home canton of Sampson swung heavily to Republican McKinley in a backlash against the state Democratic party), but the weakened party nominated a separate ticket of Wharton Barker and Ignatius Fifty. Donnelly, and disbanded afterward.^{[ commendation needed ]} The prosperity of the kickoff decade of the 1900s helped ensure that the party connected to fade away.^[82] Populist activists retired from politics, joined a major political party, or followed Debs into the Socialist Party.

In 1904, the political party was reorganized, and Watson was its nominee for president in 1904 and 1908, after which the party disbanded over again.

In A Preface to Politics, published in 1913, Walter Lippmann wrote, "As I write, a convention of the Populist Party has just taken identify. Viii delegates attended the meeting, which was held in a parlor."^[83] This may record the last gasp of the party organization.

Legacy [edit]

Fence by historians [edit]

Since the 1890s historians accept vigorously debated the nature of Populism.^[84] Some historians run across the populists as forrard-looking liberal reformers, others equally reactionaries trying to recapture an idyllic and utopian past. For some they were radicals out to restructure American life, and for others they were economically hard-pressed agrarians seeking government relief. Much recent scholarship emphasizes Populism's debt to early American republicanism.^[85] Clanton (1991) stresses that Populism was "the last significant expression of an old radical tradition that derived from Enlightenment sources that had been filtered through a political tradition that bore the distinct banner of Jeffersonian, Jacksonian, and Lincolnian commonwealth." This tradition emphasized man rights over the greenbacks nexus of the Gilded Age's dominant ideology.^[86]

Frederick Jackson Turner and a succession of western historians depicted the Populist as responding to the closure of the frontier. Turner wrote:

The Farmers' Brotherhood and the Populist demand for authorities ownership of the railroad is a phase of the same effort of the pioneer farmer, on his latest frontier. The proposals take taken increasing proportions in each region of Western Advance. Taken as a whole, Populism is a manifestation of the old pioneer ideals of the native American, with the added element of increasing readiness to utilize the national government to effect its ends.^[87]

The most influential Turner educatee of Populism was John D. Hicks, who emphasized economical pragmatism over ideals, presenting Populism equally involvement group politics, with accept-nots demanding their fair share of America'southward wealth which was existence leeched off by nonproductive speculators. Hicks emphasized the drought that ruined so many Kansas farmers, but also pointed to financial manipulations, deflation in prices caused by the gold standard, loftier involvement rates, mortgage foreclosures, and high railroad rates. Corruption accounted for such outrages and Populists presented popular control of government as the solution, a betoken that subsequently students of republicanism emphasized.^[88] In the 1930s, C. Vann Woodward stressed the southern base, seeing the possibility of a black-and-white coalition of poor against the overbearing rich.^[89]

In the 1950s, scholars such equally Richard Hofstadter portrayed the Populist movement as an irrational response of backward-looking farmers to the challenges of modernity. Though Hofstadter wrote that the Populists were the "commencement modern political movement of applied importance in the United states to insist that the federal authorities had some responsibility for the mutual weal", he criticized the movement equally anti-Semitic, conspiracy-minded, nativist, and grievance-based.^[ix] According to Hofstadter, the antithesis of anti-modern Populism was the modernizing nature of Progressivism. Hofstadter noted that leading progressives like Theodore Roosevelt, Robert La Follette Sr., George Norris and Woodrow Wilson were vehement enemies of Populism, though Bryan cooperated with them and accepted the Populist nomination in 1896.^{[90] [ page needed ]} Reichley (1992) sees the Populist Party primarily as a reaction to the decline of the political hegemony of white Protestant farmers; the share of farmers in the workforce had fallen from most lxx% in the early 1830s to about 33% in the 1890s. Reichley argues that, while the Populist Party was founded in reaction to economic hardship, past the mid-1890s it was "reacting not but against the money power only against the whole globe of cities and alien customs and loose living they felt was challenging the agrarian way of life."^[65]

Goodwyn (1976)^{[91] [ page needed ]} and Postel (2007) reject the notion that the Populists were traditionalistic and anti-modernistic. Rather, they debate, the Populists aggressively sought self-consciously progressive goals. Goodwyn criticizes Hofstadter's reliance on secondary sources to characterize the Populists, working instead with cloth generated by the Populists themselves. Goodwyn determines that the farmers' cooperatives gave rise to a Populist culture, and their efforts to free farmers from lien merchants revealed to them the political construction of the economy, which propelled them into politics. The Populists sought diffusion of scientific and technical noesis, formed highly centralized organizations, launched large-scale incorporated businesses, and pressed for an array of state-centered reforms. Hundreds of thousands of women committed to Populism, seeking a more modernistic life, education, and employment in schools and offices. A big department of the labor movement looked to Populism for answers, forging a political coalition with farmers that gave impetus to the regulatory state. Progress, still, was as well menacing and inhumane, Postel notes. White Populists embraced social-Darwinist notions of racial improvement, Chinese exclusion and separate-only-equal.^{[92] [ page needed ]}

Influence on later movements [edit]

Populist voters remained active in the electorate long after 1896, simply historians continue to debate which party, if whatever, absorbed the largest share of them. In a case written report of California Populists, historian Michael Magliari establish that Populist voters influenced reform movements in California'due south Democratic Political party and Socialist Party, just had a smaller affect on California's Republican Political party.^[93] In 1990, historian William F. Holmes wrote, "an earlier generation of historians viewed Populism as the initiator of twentieth-century liberalism as manifested in Progressivism, but over the past 2 decades we have learned that fundamental differences separated the two movements."^[94] Most of the leading progressives (except Bryan) fiercely opposed Populism. Theodore Roosevelt, Norris, La Follette, William Allen White and Wilson all strongly opposed Populism. It is debated whether any Populist ideas fabricated their fashion into the Democratic Party during the New Deal era. The New Deal subcontract programs were designed by experts (like Henry A. Wallace) who had nothing to do with Populism. Michael Kazin's The Populist Persuasion (1995) argues that Populism reflected a rhetorical style that manifested itself in spokesmen like Male parent Charles Coughlin in the 1930s and Governor George Wallace in the 1960s.

Long after the dissolution of the Populist Party, other tertiary parties, including a People's Party founded in 1971 and a Populist Party founded in 1984, took on similar names. These parties were non direct related to the Populist Party.

Populism as a generic term [edit]

In the United states, the term "populist" originally referred to the Populist Party and related left-wing movements of the late 19th century that wanted to curtail the power of the corporate and fiscal establishment. Later the term "populist" began to apply to any anti-institution movement.^[2] The original generic definition of the term, which has held consistently since the emergence of its postal service-Populist Party genericness, describes a populist as "a believer in the rights, wisdom, or virtues of the common people."^{[95] [96]} In the 21st century, the term once again began to be used. Politicians as diverse as contained left-fly Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont and Republican President Donald Trump take been labeled populists.

Electoral history and elected officials [edit]

Presidential tickets [edit]

Twelvemonth	Presidential nominee	Abode state	Previous positions	Vice presidential nominee	Domicile state	Previous positions	Votes	Notes
1892	James B. Weaver	Iowa	Fellow member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Iowa's sixth congressional district (1879–1881; 1885–1889) Greenback Party nominee for President of the United States (1880)	James Thou. Field	Virginia	Chaser General of Virginia (1877–1882)	1,026,595 (8.5%) 22 EV	[97]
1896	William Jennings Bryan	Nebraska	Fellow member of the U.Due south. House of Representatives from Nebraska's 1st congressional district (1891–1895)	Thomas East. Watson	Georgia	Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Georgia's tenth congressional commune (1891–1893)	222,583 (ane.six%) 27 EV	[98]
1900	Wharton Barker	Pennsylvania	Financier, publicist	Ignatius L. Donnelly	Minnesota	Lieutenant Governor of Minnesota (1860–1863) Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Minnesota's 2nd congressional district (1863–1869) Member of the Minnesota Senate (1875–1879; 1891–1895) Fellow member of the Minnesota Business firm of Representatives (1887–1889; 1897–1899)	50,989 (0.four%) 0 EV	[99]
1904	Thomas E. Watson	Georgia	(see above)	Thomas Tibbles	Nebraska	Journalist	114,070 (0.8%) 0 EV	[100]
1908	Thomas Eastward. Watson	Georgia	(see in a higher place)	Samuel Williams	Indiana	Judge	28,862 (0.2%) 0 EV	[101]

Seats in Congress [edit]

Seats in Congress

Ballot year	House of Representatives		Senate
	Seats after ballot	+/–	Seats after ballot	+/–
1890	8 / 356	New	1 / 88	New
1892	11 / 356	3	3 / 88	1
1894	nine / 357	two	4 / 88	1
1896	22 / 357	13	v / 90	i
1898	half dozen / 357	16	4 / xc	ane
1900	five / 357	1	4 / ninety	1
1902	0 / 357	five	0 / ninety	two

Governors [edit]

• Colorado: Davis Hanson Waite, 1893–1895
• Idaho: Frank Steunenberg, 1897–1901 (fusion of Democrats and Populists)
• Kansas: Lorenzo D. Lewelling, 1893–1895
• Kansas: John West. Leedy, 1897–1899
• Nebraska: Silas A. Holcomb, 1895–1899 (fusion of Democrats and Populists)
• Nebraska: William A. Poynter, 1899–1901 (fusion of Democrats and Populists)
• North Carolina: Daniel Lindsay Russell, 1897–1901 (coalition of Republicans and Populists)
• Oregon: Sylvester Pennoyer, 1887–1895 (fusion of Democrats and Populists)
• South Dakota: Andrew Due east. Lee, 1897–1901
• Tennessee: John P. Buchanan, 1891–1893
• Washington: John Rogers, 1897–1901 (fusion of Democrats and Populists)

Members of Congress [edit]

Approximately xl-five members of the party served in the U.S. Congress between 1891 and 1902. These included six United States Senators:

• William A. Peffer and William A. Harris from Kansas
• Marion Butler of North Carolina
• James H. Kyle from S Dakota
• Henry Heitfeld of Idaho
• William V. Allen from Nebraska

The following were Populist members of the U.Due south. House of Representatives:

52nd United states of america Congress

• Thomas Due east. Watson, Georgia's tenth congressional district
• Benjamin Hutchinson Clover, Kansas's 3rd congressional district
• John Grant Otis, Kansas's quaternary congressional district
• John Davis, Kansas'south 5th congressional district
• William Baker, Kansas's 6th congressional district
• Jerry Simpson, Kansas's seventh congressional district
• Kittel Halvorson, Minnesota's 5th congressional commune
• William A. McKeighan, Nebraska's 2nd congressional commune
• Omer Madison Kem, Nebraska's 3rd congressional district

53rd United states Congress

• Haldor Boen, Minnesota's 7th congressional commune
• Marion Cannon, California's 6th congressional district
• Lafayette Pence, Colorado's 1st congressional district
• John Calhoun Bong, Colorado'southward 2nd congressional district
• Thomas Jefferson Hudson, Kansas'due south third congressional district
• John Davis, Kansas' fifth congressional commune
• William Baker, Kansas' 6th congressional district
• Jerry Simpson, Kansas' 7th congressional commune
• William A. Harris, Kansas Member-at-large
• William A. McKeighan, Nebraska's 5th congressional district
• Omer Madison Kem, Nebraska's 6th congressional district
• Alonzo C. Shuford, North Carolina's 7th congressional district

54th United States Congress

• Albert Taylor Goodwyn, Alabama's 5th congressional district
• Milford W. Howard, Alabama's 7th congressional commune
• William Bakery, Kansas' 6th congressional district
• Omer Madison Kem, Nebraska's 6th congressional district
• Harry Skinner, North Carolina's 1st congressional commune
• William F. Strowd, Northward Carolina's fourth congressional district
• Charles H. Martin (1848–1931), North Carolina'south 6th congressional district
• Alonzo C. Shuford, Due north Carolina's 7th congressional commune

55th United States Congress

• Albert Taylor Goodwyn, Alabama's 5th congressional district
• Charles A. Barlow, California's sixth congressional district
• Curtis H. Castle, California'south seventh congressional district
• James Gunn, Idaho's 1st congressional district
• Mason Summers Peters, Kansas'south 2d congressional commune
• Edwin Reed Ridgely, Kansas'south third congressional district
• William Davis Vincent, Kansas's 5th congressional district
• Nelson B. McCormick, Kansas'southward 6th congressional commune
• Jerry Simpson, Kansas'southward 7th congressional district
• Jeremiah Dunham Botkin, Kansas Member-at-big
• Samuel Maxwell, Nebraska'south tertiary congressional district
• William Ledyard Stark, Nebraska's 4th congressional commune
• Roderick Dhu Sutherland, Nebraska'due south 5th congressional district
• William Laury Greene, Nebraska'south 6th congressional district
• Harry Skinner, North Carolina's 1st congressional district
• John Due east. Fowler, Northward Carolina'south third congressional commune
• William F. Strowd, North Carolina's 4th congressional commune
• Charles H. Martin, North Carolina'due south fifth congressional district
• Alonzo C. Shuford, North Carolina'due south 7th congressional district
• John Edward Kelley, South Dakota's 1st congressional district
• Freeman T. Knowles, South Dakota's 2nd congressional commune

56th U.s. Congress

• William Ledyard Stark, Nebraska's 4th congressional district
• Roderick Dhu Sutherland, Nebraska's 5th congressional district
• William Laury Greene, Nebraska's 6th congressional district
• John W. Atwater, Northward Carolina'due south 4th congressional commune

57th United States Congress

• Thomas Fifty. Glenn, Idaho'due south 1st congressional district
• Caldwell Edwards, Montana's 1st congressional commune
• William Ledyard Stark, Nebraska's 4th congressional district
• William Neville, Nebraska's 6th congressional district

See too [edit]

• Left-wing populism
• Listing of political parties in the United States
• Political interpretations of The Wonderful Wizard of Oz
• Bryant W. Bailey, Louisiana Populist
• Annie Le Porte Diggs (1853-1916), Populist advocate
• Leonard M. Landsborough, California Populist

Notes [edit]

1. ^ The income tax provision was struck downwards past the Supreme Court in the 1895 case of Pollock v. Farmers' Loan & Trust Co. ^[49]

References [edit]

1. ^ Goodwyn (1978)
2. ^ ^{a b c} Kazin, Michael (22 March 2016). "How Tin Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders Both Be 'Populist'?". New York Times . Retrieved 26 November 2018.
3. ^ Mansbridge, Jane; Macedo, Stephen (2019-10-13). "Populism and Democratic Theory". Almanac Review of Constabulary and Social Science. 15 (1): 59–77. doi:10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-101518-042843. ISSN 1550-3585. S2CID 210355727.
4. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 10–12
5. ^ Brands (2010), pp. 432–433
6. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 16–17
7. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 12, 24
8. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 13–14
9. ^ ^{a b} Zeitz, Joshua (14 January 2018). "Historians Accept Long Thought Populism Was a Skillful Thing. Are They Incorrect?". Political leader. Retrieved 17 November 2018.
10. ^ ^{a b} Reichley (2000), pp. 133–134
11. ^ ^{a b} Goodwyn (1978), pp. 18–19
12. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 24–26
13. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 32–34
14. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 35–41
15. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 46–49
16. ^ Brands (2010), pp. 433–434
17. ^ Reichley (2000), pp. 134–135
18. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 57–59, 63
19. ^ Goodwyn (1978), p. xc
20. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 91–92
21. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 107–110, 113
22. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 116–117
23. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 127–128
24. ^ Brands (2010), p. 438
25. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 143–144
26. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 147–148, 159
27. ^ Goodwyn (1978), p. 151
28. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 163–165
29. ^ Brands (2010), p. 439
30. ^ Kazin (1995), pp. 27–29
31. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 167–168, 171
32. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 169–172
33. ^ Brands (2010), p. 440
34. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 172–173
35. ^ Brands (2010), pp. 439–440
36. ^ Holmes (1990), p. 37
37. ^ Holmes (1990), pp. 30–31
38. ^ Holmes (1990), pp. 35–38, 46
39. ^ Turner (1980), pp. 358, 364–367
40. ^ Wishart, David J. (2004). Encyclopedia of the Not bad Plains. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. p. 337. ISBN978-0-8032-4787-1.
41. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 174–179
42. ^ Holmes (1990), pp. 38–39
43. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 200–201
44. ^ "Egad! He Moved His Feet When He Ran". The Washington Post. 2008-07-05. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved 2018-09-10 .
45. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 186–187, 199–200
46. ^ ^{a b} Reichley (2000), p. 138
47. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 207–208
48. ^ Goodwyn (1978), p. 233
49. ^ ^{a b} Brands (2010), pp. 485–486
50. ^ ^{a b} Goodwyn (1978), pp. 215–218, 221–222
51. ^ Holmes (1990), p. 50
52. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 227–229
53. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 238–239
54. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 230–231
55. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 233–234
56. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 234–235
57. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 249–250
58. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 241–242
59. ^ Bouie, Jamelle (Baronial xiv, 2019). "America holds onto an undemocratic supposition from its founding: that some people deserve more power than others". The New York Times . Retrieved 20 Baronial 2019. Despite insurgencies at habitation — the Populist Political party, for case, swept through Georgia and Northward Carolina in the 1890s...
60. ^ Helen Yard. Edmonds, The Negro and Fusion Politics in North Carolina, 1894-1901 (1951). pp 97-136
61. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 121–122
62. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 118–120
63. ^ Hunt (2003), pp. 3–seven
64. ^ Turner (1980), pp. 355–356
65. ^ ^{a b} Reichley (2000), p. 142
66. ^ Hasia R. Diner (2004). The Jews of the United States, 1654 to 2000. U. of California Printing. p. 170. ISBN9780520227736.
67. ^ ^{a b} Goodwyn (1978), pp. 247–248
68. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 251–252
69. ^ Goodwyn (1978), p. 257
70. ^ Reichley (2000), pp. 139–141
71. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 254–256
72. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 256–259
73. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 259–262
74. ^ ^{a b} Goodwyn (1978), pp. 274–278
75. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 279–280
76. ^ ^{a b c} Reichley (2000), pp. 144–146
77. ^ R. Hal Williams, Realigning America: McKinley, Bryan, and the Remarkable Election of 1896 (2010)
78. ^ Goodwyn (1978), pp. 285–286
79. ^ Lester (2007)
80. ^ Andrea Meryl Kirshenbaum, "'The Vampire That Hovers Over North Carolina': Gender, White Supremacy, and the Wilmington Race Riot of 1898," Southern Cultures 4#3 (1998) pp. 6-30 online
81. ^ Eric Anderson, Race and Politics in Northward Carolina, 1872-1901 (1981)
82. ^ Brands (2010), p. 529
83. ^ Walter Lippmann, A Preface to Politics, New York and London: Mitchell Kennerley, 1913, p. 275.
84. ^ For a summary or how historians approach the topic see Worth Robert Miller, "A Centennial Historiography of American Populism." Kansas History 1993 16(1): 54-69.
85. ^ See Worth Robert Miller, "The Republican Tradition," in Miller, Oklahoma Populism: A History of the People's Party in the Oklahoma Territory (1987) online edition
86. ^ Clanton (1991), p. xv
87. ^ Frederick Jackson Turner, The Frontier in American History, (1920) p. 148; online edition
88. ^ Martin Ridge, "Populism Defection: John D. Hicks and The Populist Revolt," Reviews in American History xiii (March 1985): 142-54.
89. ^ C. Vann Woodward, Tom Watson: Agrarian Insubordinate (1938); Woodward, "Tom Watson and the Negro in Agrarian Politics," The Journal of Southern History, Vol. 4, No. 1 (Feb., 1938), pp. fourteen-33 in JSTOR
90. ^ Richard Hofstadter, The Historic period of Reform: From Bryan to F.D.R. (1955)
91. ^ Goodwyn, Lawrence (1976). Democratic Promise: the Populist Moment in America . Oxford University Press. ISBN978-0-nineteen-501996-4.
92. ^ Postel (2007)
93. ^ Magliari (1995), pp. 394, 411–412
94. ^ Holmes (1990), p. 58
95. ^ Webster's ninth new collegiate dictionary, Springfield, MA: Merriam-Webster, Inc., 1983
96. ^ "Oxford English language Dictionary". Oxford English language Dictionary Online. 1989. Retrieved 16 March 2018.
97. ^ The ticket won 5 states; its best showing was Nevada where information technology received 66.8% of the vote.
98. ^ The Populists nominated Bryan, the Democratic nominee, but nominated Watson for Vice President instead of Democratic nominee Arthur Sewall. Bryan and Sewall received an additional 6,286,469 (45.ane%) and 149 balloter votes. Bryan'southward best showing was Mississippi, where he received 91.0% of the vote.
99. ^ The ticket'south best result was Texas, where information technology received 5.0% of the vote.
100. ^ The ticket'southward best result was Georgia, where it received 17.3%.
101. ^ The ticket'due south best result was Georgia, where it received 12.6%.

Bibliography [edit]

Secondary sources [edit]

• Ali, Omar H. (2010). In the Lion'southward Mouth: Blackness Populism in the New South, 1886-1900. University Press of Mississippi. ISBN9781604737806.
• Argersinger, Peter H. (2015) [1982]. Populism and Politics: William Alfred Peffer and the People'due south Party. University Press of Kentucky. ISBN9780813162003.
• Beeby, James M. (2008). Revolt of the Tar Heels: The North Carolina Populist Movement, 1890-1901. University Press of Mississippi. ISBN9781604733242.
• Berman, David R. (2007). Radicalism in the Mountain West, 1890-1920: Socialists, Populists, Miners, and Wobblies. University Press of Colorado. ISBN9781607320067.
• Brands, H. W. (2010). American Colossus: The Triumph of Capitalism 1865-1900. Doubleday. ISBN978-0-385-52333-two.
• Clanton, O. Gene (1991). Populism: The Humane Preference in America, 1890-1900 . Twayne Publishers. ISBN9780805797442.
• Durden, Robert F. (2015) [1965]. The Climax of Populism: The Election of 1896. Academy Press of Kentucky. ISBN9780813162652.
• Formisano, Ronald P. (2008). For the People: American Populist Movements from the Revolution to the 1850s. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN9780807831724.
• Goodwyn, Lawrence (1978). The Populist Moment: A Short History of the Agrestal Revolt in America . Oxford University Press. ISBN9780199736096.
• Hackney, Sheldon, ed. (1971). Populism: the Disquisitional Issues . Little, Brown. ISBN978-0316336901.
• Hicks, John D. "The Sub-Treasury: A Forgotten Program for the Relief of Agriculture". Mississippi Valley Historical Review, Vol. 15, No. 3 (Dec., 1928), pp. 355–373. in JSTOR.
• Hicks, John D. The Populist Revolt: A History of the Farmers' Alliance and the People's Party Minneapolis, MN: Academy of Minnesota Press, 1931.
• Hild, Matthew (2007). Greenbackers, Knights of Labor, and Populists: Farmer-Labor Insurgency in the Late-Nineteenth-Century Southward. University of Georgia Press. ISBN9780820328973.
• Hild, Matthew. Arkansas'southward Gilded Age: The Rise, Decline, and Legacy of Populism and Working-Grade Protestation (U of Missouri Printing, 2018) online review
• Holmes, William F. (1990). "Populism: In Search of Context". Agricultural History. 64 (4): 26–58. JSTOR 3743349.
• Hunt, James L. (2003). Marion Butler and American Populism. Academy of North Carolina Printing. ISBN9780807862506.
• Jessen, Nathan (2017). Populism and Imperialism: Politics, Culture, and Foreign Policy in the American West, 1890-1900. University Press of Kansas. ISBN9780700624645.
• Kazin, Michael (1995). The Populist Persuasion . Basic Books. ISBN978-0465037933.
• Kazin, Michael (2006). A Godly Hero: The Life of William Jennings Bryan. Knopf. ISBN978-0375411359.
• Knoles, George Harmon. "Populism and Socialism, with Special Reference to the Ballot of 1892," Pacific Historical Review, vol. 12, no. 3 (Sept. 1943), pp. 295–304. In JSTOR
• Lester, Connie (2006). Upwards from the Mudsills of Hell: The Farmers' Alliance, Populism, and Progressive Agriculture in Tennessee, 1870-1915. University of Georgia Press. ISBN978-0820327624.
• Magliari, Michael (1995). "What Happened to the Populist Vote? A California Case Study". Pacific Historical Review. 64 (3): 389–412. doi:ten.2307/3641007. JSTOR 3641007.
• McMath, Jr., Robert C. (1993). American Populism: A Social History 1877-1898 . Macmillan. ISBN9780374522643.
• Miller, Worth Robert. "A Centennial Historiography of American Populism." Kansas History 1993 16(1): 54–69. online edition
• Miller, Worth Robert. "Farmers and 3rd-Political party Politics in Late Nineteenth Century America," in Charles W. Calhoun, ed. The Gilt Age: Essays on the Origins of Modernistic America (1995) online edition
• Nugent, Walter (2013). The Tolerant Populists: Kansas Populism and Nativism (2d ed.). University of Chicago Press. ISBN9780226054117.
• Ostler, Jeffrey (1992). "Why the Populist Party Was Strong in Kansas and Nebraska just Weak in Iowa". Western Historical Quarterly. 23 (4): 451–474. doi:ten.2307/970302. JSTOR 970302.
• Palmer, Bruce (1980). "Homo Over Money": the Southern Populist Critique of American Commercialism. University of N Carolina Press. ISBN978-0-8078-1427-7.
• Peterson, James. "The Trade Unions and the Populist Party," Scientific discipline & Society, vol. 8, no. 2 (Spring 1944), pp. 143–160. In JSTOR.
• Pollack, Norman (1976). The Populist Response to Industrial America: Midwestern Populist Thought. Harvard Academy Printing. ISBN9780674690516.
• Postel, Charles (2007). The Populist Vision. Oxford Academy Press. ISBN9780199758463.
• Rogers, William Warren (2001) [1970]. The One-gallused Rebellion: Agrarianism in Alabama, 1865-1896. University of Alabama Printing. ISBN9780817311063.
• Stock, Catherine McNicol (2017) [1996]. Rural Radicals: Righteous Rage in the American Grain (2nd ed.). Cornell University Press. ISBN9781501714054.
• Turner, James (1980). "Understanding the Populists". The Journal of American History. 67 (2): 354–373. doi:10.2307/1890413. JSTOR 1890413.
• White, Richard (2017). The Commonwealth for Which Information technology Stands: The United states During Reconstruction and the Gilded Historic period: 1865–1896. New York: Oxford Academy Press. ISBN9780190619060.
• Woodward, C. Vann (2016) [1938]. Tom Watson: Agrestal Rebel. Pickle Partner'due south Publishing. ISBN9781787202566. online edition
• Woodward, C. Vann. "Tom Watson and the Negro in Agrestal Politics," The Periodical of Southern History, Vol. 4, No. 1 (Feb., 1938), pp. xiv–33 in JSTOR

Contemporary accounts [edit]

External links [edit]

• From People's Party Platform, Omaha Forenoon World-Herald, 5 July 1892
• 40 original Populist cartoons, primary sources
• Peffer, William A. "The Mission of the Populist Party," The North American Review (Dec 1993) v. 157 #445 pp 665–679; full text online. important policy statement by leading Populist senator
• People's Party Hand-Book of Facts. Campaign of 1898 96 p., official political party pamphlet for North Carolina election of 1898
• Populist, republican and Democratic cartoons, 189s election, primary sources
• Populist Party timeline and texts; edited by Professor Edwards, secondary and master sources

Party publications and materials

• The People's Abet (1892-1900), digitized copies of the Populist Party's paper in Washington State, from The Labor Press Project.
• Populist Drawing Alphabetize. Archived at Missouri State University. Retrieved August 24, 2006.
• Buttons, tokens and ribbons of the Populist Party. Reprinted from Issue 19, Buttons and Ballots, Fall 1998. Retrieved August 26, 2006.
• People's Party Hand-Volume of Facts. Campaign of 1898: Electronic Edition. Populist Party (N.C.). Land Executive Committee. Reformated and reprinted by the University Library, The Academy of North Carolina at Chapel Loma.
• Populist materials online courtesy University Library, The University of North Carolina at Chapel Loma.

Secondary sources

• The Populist Movement in the Usa past Anna Rochester, 1943.
• Farmers, the Populist Party, and Mississippi (1870-1900). By Kenneth G. McCarty. Published by Mississippi History Now a project of the Mississippi Historical Society. Retrieved August 24, 2006.
• The Populist Party in Nebraska. Published by the Nebraskastudies.org, a projection of the Nebraska Department of Education.
• Fusion Politics. The Populist Party in North Carolina. A project of the John Locke Foundation. Retrieved Baronial 24, 2006.
• The Decline of the Cotton Farmer. Anecdotal business relationship of rise and fall of Farmers Brotherhood and Populist Party in Texas.
• "Populist Party". New International Encyclopedia. 1905.

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/People%27s_Party_(United_States)

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